Can Policy Interventions Reduce Inequality? Looking Beyond Test Scores for Evidence - William T. Grant Foundation Essay - 2021

Oct 15, 2026

Examines whether public policy interventions can reduce race-based inequality in the United States, arguing that lessons learned about effective strategies are not fully reflected in how policy progress is measured. Uses evidence from three studies to assess the limits of relying on public schools, highlighting how housing segregation and the institutional structure of schooling constrain outcomes. Critiques sole reliance on test scores and emphasizes that inequality reduction requires broader evidence beyond standardized achievement.

LanguageEnglish

CategoryResearch & Report

FormatPDF

Pages15

Reading Time38 min

AccessFree to download

Introduction

Evidence and policy inconsistencies

Reliance on public schools: rationale and limits

Responsiveness and test-score signals

Schooling structure and segregation constraints

Measuring progress beyond test scores

Literacy measurement concerns

Skills alone vs broader labor-market demands

Can Policy Interventions Reduce Inequality? Looking Beyond Test Scores for Evidence Richard J. Murnane Can Policy Interventions Reduce Inequality? Looking Beyond Test Scores for Evidence Richard J. Murnane, January 2021 William T. Grant Foundation Suggested Citation: Murnane, R.J. (2021). Can policy interventions reduce inequality? Looking beyond test Scores for evidence. William T. Grant Foundation. William T. Grant Foundation Introduction A mong the many troubling legacies of centuries of slavery and discrimination in the United States are extraordinary race-based inequalities in life chances. Black children grow up in families with much lower income and wealth, on average, than White children. They are more likely than White children to live in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty and to attend underfunded schools in which their classmates are also from low-income families. One consequence of these inequalities is that Black children are less likely than White children to acquire the skills, educational credentials, and networks that lead to well-paying jobs. Another is that the inequalities that hampered their lives are passed on to their children (Chetty et al., 2020) . In this essay, I use evidence from three studies to show that, as a nation, we have learned a lot about what it takes to reduce race-based inequalities. I also point out that the primary public policy strategies for reducing race-based inequalities and for measuring progress are inconsistent with the evidence from these recent studies. Historically, the United States has relied on public schools as the primary institution for equalizing opportunities in the United States. Horace Mann, the first Secretary of Education in Massachusetts described this view in an 1848 report: “Education, then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is the great equalizer of the conditions of men—the balance-wheel of the social machinery.”(Mann, 1848) . A little time spent on the website of the federally funded What Works Clearinghouse (WWC) reveals the variety of programs, products, practices, and policies that have been tried to improve American schools (U. S. Department of Education Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance, 2020) . While not all of these initiatives were focused on reducing race-based inequalities in educational outcomes, many were. And since the creation inthe late 1960s ofthe National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), reports of trends in the Black–White test score gap have received a great deal of media attention. Murnane 03 William T. Grant Foundation From one perspective, relying on public schools to reduce race-based inequalities makes sense. Ninety percent of the nation’s children attend public schools and spend thousands of hours in them. As David Cohen and Susan Moffitt (2009) have explained, the nation’s schools have been remarkably responsive to demands for changes in programs and practices. There is also value in paying attention to students’scores on reading and mathematics tests. Changes in the economy over the last 50 years have reduced labor market opportunities for workers who lack basic reading and mathematics skills (Murnane, Willett, & Levy, 1995; Goldhaber & Ozek, 2019). Consequently, it is a plausible theory of action that improving the reading and mathematics skills of Black children would increase their educational attainments and labor market earnings. From another perspective, the reliance on schools to reduce racebased inequalities is a mistake. A significant limitation of most attempts to improve the education of Black children is that they take as given the historical structure of American schooling. Elements of this structure include heavy reliance on local property taxes to fund public schools in each of the country’s 13,000 school districts and rules requiring children to attend school in the school district in which they

FAQs

What core legacy of U.S. history does the essay focus on?

It emphasizes race-based inequalities in life chances that stem from centuries of slavery and discrimination, affecting income, neighborhoods, school funding, and subsequent educational and labor-market opportunities.

Why does the essay argue that relying on public schools can be both reasonable and insufficient?

It notes that most children attend public schools and that schools respond to changes in instruction. However, it argues that housing segregation and the funding/assignment structure of schooling lead Black children to attend segregated schools, limiting the impact of education reforms.

What problems does the essay identify with using test scores as the main measure of intervention effectiveness?

It says standardized reading scores may not accurately reflect literacy for Black children and that focusing only on reading and math skills overlooks other drivers of youth and labor-market outcomes, especially social skills and job automation trends.

Oct 15, 2026

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