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It tests overall impacts and heterogenous effects by racial subgroup, student preparedness, and teacher effectiveness from the state evaluation system. Overall race congruence shows no significant test-score effect, while subgroup results reveal positive, significant race-match gains in elementary math and meaningful patterns for Black students in reading and math, plus preparedness- and teacher-quartile-specific effects. 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[http://journals.sagepub.com/home/ero](http://journals.sagepub.com/home/ero)  \nStudent-Teacher Race Congruence: New Evidence and Insight From Tennessee  \nEla Joshi  \nSy Doan  \nVanderbilt University  \nMatthew G. Springer  \nThe University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill  \nOur work aims to substantiate and extend earlier findings on the effects of student-teacher race matching on academic achievement using longitudinal data for students in Grades 3 through 8 in Tennessee. We examine heterogenous effects not only by racial subgroup and student preparedness, as explored in prior literature, but also by levels of teacher effectiveness, drawing on data from the state’s teacher evaluation system. We find that student-teacher race congruence does not have a significant overall effect on test scores. However, subgroup analyses reveal a positive, significant race-match effect in elementary school math. We observe meaningful effects for Black students in both reading and math, race-matched students in the bottom-most preparedness quartile in math, and race-matched students assigned to teachers in the middle two teacher performance quartiles in math. Our results align with prior findings, emphasizing that race-match effects transcend state borders. Findings support policy efforts to diversify the educator labor force.  \nKeywords: student teacher assignment, minority teachers, minority students, teacher quality, race-matching, race congruency  \nIntroduction  \nIt is no secret that there are stark differences in the educational resources and outcomes for minority students compared to their White peers in the United States (Coleman et al., 1966; Darling-Hammond, 2007; Ogbu, 1994; Reardon, Kalogrides, & Shores, forthcoming). In an analysis of funding inequities by race concentration across states, the Education Trust reported that public school districts serving the most students of color receive about $2,000, or 15%, less per student than districts serving the fewest students of color (Ushomirsky & Williams, 2015). Nationally representative data from the Stanford Education Data Archive show the average White-Black and White-Hispanic achievement gaps tobe 0.66 and 0.52 SDs, respectively (Reardon et al., forthcoming), and, in 2013, only 16% and 20% of Black and Hispanic students, respectively, met standards of eighthgrade reading proficiency on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, compared to 40% of their White peers. As Ladson-Billings (2006) aptly describes, the amassed economic, political, and historical losses in educational services has created an “educational debt” toward students of color.  \nOne manifestation of resource disparities for people of color comes in the form of the race-representation gap. While students of color represent 51% of the public elementary and secondary school population, only 18% of public school teachers identify as belonging to a minority group (U.S. Department  \nof Education, 2016) . The representation gap reduces opportunity for minority students to experience the benefits of a racecongruent teacher. Movements calling for a more diversified teaching force have prompted governing bodies at the local, state, and federal levels as well as institutions of higher education and educational nonprofits (e.g., Teach For America, Teaching Fellows) to promote strategies that develop, recruit, and retain teachers of color (Piercynski, Matranga, & Peltier, 1997; Villegas, Strom, & Lucas, 2012) with the hope of increasing the ratio of minority students who have a teacher of the same race (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Boser, 2014) .  \nTeachers of race-congruent students are shown to provide increased attention, time, resources, and supports to their students for a number of hypot","cbCaiiiTLAzuqFAK","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaiiiTLAzuqFAK","pdf",447390,25,"English","# Introduction\n## Race-representation gap and resource disparities\n## Hypothesized mechanisms of race-congruent teaching\n## Prior evidence and study framing","[{\"question\":\"What is the article’s main goal?\",\"answer\":\"To extend earlier findings by assessing whether student-teacher race matching affects academic achievement using longitudinal data for Grades 3–8 in Tennessee.\"},{\"question\":\"Does overall race congruence improve test scores?\",\"answer\":\"No. The study finds no significant overall effect of student-teacher race congruence on test scores.\"},{\"question\":\"Where do the study’s positive effects appear?\",\"answer\":\"Subgroup analyses show a positive, significant race-match effect in elementary school math, with additional meaningful effects for Black students in reading and math and for matched students in specific preparedness and teacher-performance quartiles in math.\"}]","Student-Teacher Race Congruence - New Evidence and Insight From Tennessee | PDF",1792068295,63]