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It quickly becomes very political, as it involves numerous stakeholders who each have a different agenda. The focus should naturally be on optimizing outcomes for students, but the process can become so challenging that this goal can get obscured or lost.  \nThe need to close schools is often clear. Whether due to declining enrollment, fiscal mismanagement, or low academic performance, the need to make the decision is not ambiguous – but how to navigate the process is certainly not. No matter the reason for closure, shuttering a school often leads to what one research team called “a period of mourning”(Gordon, 2018) for the school’s families, administrators, and teachers. Indeed, school closure can be accompanied by fierce opposition from community leaders and other stakeholders.  \nThis policy brief shares two urban case studies: Chicago Public Schools and New York City Department of Education. Both districts closed dozens of schools between 2000 and 2014, and each used different methods and achieved different outcomes. This is a companion piece to IEP’s policy report.  \nThese case studies illustrate that the outcomes of school closures vary, from negative academic impact in Chicago to positive gains in graduation rates and test scores in New York City. The important finding is that the academic caliber of the schools into which the students move must be considerably higher than schools they left.  \nCase Study 1: Chicago Public Schools  \nIn May 2013, the board of Chicago Public Schools (CPS) voted to close 47 elementary schools, citing under-enrollment and a $1 billion deficit. The changes took effect almost immediately; CPS reassigned students for Fall 2013. Mindful that most of the schools  \n[baltimore-berc.org](baltimore-berc.org) ½ 1  \nslated for closure were located in the city’s most fragile communities, CPS attempted to mediate disruption using the following strategies:  \n• CPS assigned each student to a “welcoming school” that had demonstrated higher ratings on assessments, academic growth trends, and student attendance than the student’s previous, soon-to-be-closed, school. Note that approximately 66% of students accepted CPS’s assignment.  \n• CPS made sure no welcoming school was more than one mile from each student’s residence and put in place “Safe Passages” – routes with adult monitors to ensure student safety.  \n• CPS invested some of the cost savings in new school programs and facility-upgradesin the welcoming schools.  \nTo what extent did CPS’s approach seem to work for students and families?  \nA 2015 study found that families used an array of information to decide where to enroll their children – i.e., not only their designated welcoming school, but also public surveys on school safety and, above all else, proximity to their homes. Families who moved residence during the summer of 2013 faced some difficulties in enrollment, as did those whose children had received special education services. All told, 93% of students whose schools were closed enrolled in new schools that were higher-performing relative to the schools the students left.  \nA more recent study (2018), however, found quantitative and qualitative evidence that“school closure was much more complex than policymakers anticipated; academic outcomes were neutral at best, and negative in some instances,”(Gordon, 2018) . For example, students who had left the closed schools had lower math test scores four years after reassignment, and students already in the welcoming schools earned lower reading scores than expected.  \nWhy were academic results disappointing? Many factors contributed, but the 2015 study presaged an important one: the success of school closures had been limited by the small number of high-quality seats in the district. While the ","cbCaibLzxmedAs9i","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaibLzxmedAs9i","pdf",91565,"English","# Closing schools and key challenges\n# Need for closure and community opposition\n# Comparative approach: Chicago vs. New York City\n# Case Study 1: Chicago Public Schools\n## Student reassignment and “welcoming schools”\n## Evidence on enrollment and academic impact\n# Case Study 2: New York City Department of Education\n## Phase-out strategy and student groups\n# Core finding: quality of receiving schools and seat availability","[{\"question\":\"Why is closing schools described as challenging beyond academic considerations?\",\"answer\":\"School closure quickly becomes political because multiple stakeholders have different agendas. The process can also cause disruption and emotional hardship for families, administrators, and teachers.\"},{\"question\":\"What strategies did Chicago Public Schools use to mediate disruption during closures?\",\"answer\":\"Chicago assigned students to “welcoming schools” with stronger assessment performance and attendance, ensured welcoming schools were within one mile, implemented “Safe Passages” with adult monitors, and reinvested cost savings into programs and facility upgrades.\"},{\"question\":\"How did the New York City Department of Education handle high school closures compared with Chicago?\",\"answer\":\"New York City used a “phase-out” approach: schools slated for closure stopped accepting incoming 9th-graders, while current students could transfer out if they chose. Analysis across multiple outcome measures found neutral to positive effects for students in the study groups.\"}]","Quality and Schools: Managing School Closings to Optimize Student Outcomes | PDF",1792043716]