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It argues that the Proto-Arawak etymon for “hand,” *kʰapɨ, survives only as obscure cognates and highlights specific lexical-semantic developments and a relatively uncommon sound change attested in Yawalapiti. The study also reassesses earlier reconstructions advanced by Payne (1991) and situates the analysis within historically significant early documentation collected by Karl von den Steinen (1887–1888).",{"@graph":69,"@context":122},[70,84,105],{"@type":71,"itemListElement":72},"BreadcrumbList",[73,77,79,82],{"item":74,"name":75,"@type":76,"position":8},"https://docshare.wps.com","Home","ListItem",{"item":78,"name":9,"@type":76,"position":14},"https://docshare.wps.com/document/",{"item":80,"name":40,"@type":76,"position":81},"https://docshare.wps.com/document/research-report/",3,{"item":83,"name":65,"@type":76,"position":19},"https://docshare.wps.com/document/obscure-cognates-and-lexical-reconstruction-notes-on-the-diachrony-of-the-xinguan-arawak-languages/428113/",{"url":83,"name":65,"@type":85,"image":86,"author":91,"headline":65,"publisher":94,"fileFormat":97,"inLanguage":63,"description":67,"dateModified":98,"datePublished":99,"encodingFormat":97,"isAccessibleForFree":100,"interactionStatistic":101},"DigitalDocument",{"url":87,"@type":88,"width":89,"height":90},"https://docshare.wps.com/thumbnails/obscure-cognates-and-lexical-reconstruction-notes-on-the-diachrony-of-the-xinguan-arawak-languages/428113.png","ImageObject",300,407,{"name":92,"@type":93},"Fans","Person",{"url":74,"name":95,"@type":96},"DocShare","Organization","application/pdf","2026-10-07","2026-09-29",true,{"@type":102,"interactionType":103,"userInteractionCount":44},"InteractionCounter",{"@type":104},"ViewAction",{"@type":106,"mainEntity":107},"FAQPage",[108,114,118],{"name":109,"@type":110,"acceptedAnswer":111},"What lexical innovation does the paper claim for “hand” in the Xinguan Arawak subgroup?","Question",{"text":112,"@type":113},"It claims that *wɨʂɨku is a shared lexical innovation across this subgroup for the meaning “hand.”","Answer",{"name":115,"@type":110,"acceptedAnswer":116},"How does the paper explain the formation of “finger” in these languages?",{"text":117,"@type":113},"It argues that “finger” is formed from a nominal compound using roots for “hand” and “head,” reconstructed as *kapɨ-tɨwɨ.",{"name":119,"@type":110,"acceptedAnswer":120},"Which earlier reconstructions does the paper reassess, and why?",{"text":121,"@type":113},"It highlights shortcomings in some reconstructed forms and diachronic developments proposed by Payne (1991), including the proposed sound shift *a > ɨ in Waurá and the reconstruction of syllable-final *h in Proto-Arawak.","https://schema.org",{"og:url":83,"og:type":124,"og:title":65,"og:site_name":95,"og:description":67},"article",{"robots":126,"canonical":83},"index,follow",{"doc_id":128,"site_id":62},428113,1790975344,{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":131},{"doc_id":128,"user_id":132,"nickname":92,"user_avatar":133,"doc_module":4,"category_id":39,"category_name":40,"doc_title":65,"doc_description":67,"doc_content":134,"file_id":135,"file_url":136,"file_type":137,"file_size":138,"view_count":44,"is_deleted":4,"is_public":8,"is_downloadable":8,"audit_status":8,"page_count":139,"language":140,"language_code":63,"site_id":62,"html_lang":63,"table_of_contents":141,"faqs":142,"seo_title":143,"seo_description":67,"update_tm":144,"read_time":145},5909892330395,"https://ap-avatar.wpscdn.com/davatar_6f874abed73319feea01a86fa6f0fab8","Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum. , Belém, v. 11, n. 1, p. 277-294, jan.-abr. 2016  \nObscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages  \nCognatos obscuros e reconstrução lexical: notas sobre a diacronia das línguas arawak xinguanas  \nFernando O. de Carvalho  \nMuseu Nacional, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (MN/UFRJ), Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil  \nAbstract: The present paper discusses evidence supporting the claim that the common Xinguan Arawak noun for ‘hand’, *wɨʂɨku , is a shared lexical innovation of this subgroup and that, in addition, a formation for ‘finger’ derived from a nominal compound with the roots for ‘hand’ and ‘head’, *kapɨ-tɨwɨ , sets Waurá, Mehinaku and Kustenaú apart from otherlanguages of the family, including Yawalapiti. The reconstructed Proto-Arawak etymon for ‘hand’, *kʰapɨ , is preserved in the Xinguan Arawak languages only in the form of obscure cognates, instantiating interesting developments in lexical semantics as well as a relatively uncommon sound change in Yawalapiti. The discussion incorporates and addresses the historical linguistic significance of the earliest documentation of the Xinguan Arawak languages, the material gathered by Karl von den Steinen in 1887-1888. The analyses and data discussed highlight serious shortcomings in some of thereconstructed forms and diachronic developments advanced by Payne (1991), such as the postulation of a shift *a > ɨ in Waurá and the reconstruction of syllable-final *h for the Proto-Arawak language, one of the most controversial aspects of his comparative study.  \nKeywords: Xingu. Arawak. Historical linguistics. Sound change. Diachronic Semantics.  \nResumo: O presente artigo traz evidências em favor da hipótese de que o termo Xinguano para ‘mão’, *wɨʂɨku , constitui umainovação lexical compartilhada pelas línguas deste ramo da família Arawak e, ainda, que formações para ‘dedo’, envolvendoa composição das raízes nominais para ‘mão’ e ‘cabeça’, *kapɨ-tɨwɨ , colocam o Waurá, o Mehinaku e o Kustenaú à parte de outras línguas da família, incluindo o Yawalapiti. O étimo *kʰapɨ ‘mão’, reconstruído para o Proto-Arawak, apresenta cognatos obscuros nas línguas Arawak do Xingu, instanciando desenvolvimentos interessantes na semântica lexical e uma mudança sonora relativamente pouco comum no reflexo atestado em Yawalapiti. O trabalho inclui umaapreciação dos dados das línguas Arawak do Xingu coletados por Karl von den Steinen na sua expedição de 1887-1888. Em nível mais geral, se propõe aqui a modificação ou a rejeição de certas afirmações feitas por Payne (1991) a respeitode desenvolvimentos diacrônicos, como a postulação de uma mudança *a > ɨ em Waurá, e a reconstrução de *h em  \nposição final de sílaba, um dos aspectos mais controversos do seu trabalho de reconstrução comparativa. Palavras-chave: Xingu. Arawak. Linguística histórica. Mudança sonora. Semântica diacrônica.  \nCARvALHO, [Fernando O. de. Obscure cognates and lexical](Fernando O. de. Obscure cognates and lexical) reconstruction: notes on the diachrony oftheXinguan Arawak languages. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, v. 11, n. 1, p. 277-294, jan.-abr. 2016. DOI: [http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981.81](http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981.81)[ ](http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981.81)[222016000100014](222016000100014).  \nAutor para correspondência: Estrada Washington Luís 609, casa 73, Sapê, Niterói -Rio de Janeiro. CEP: 24315375 ([fernaoorphao@gmail.com](fernaoorphao@gmail.com)). Recebido em 07/12/2015  \nAprovado em 30/03/2016  \nObscure cognates and lexical reconstruction: notes on the diachrony of the xinguan arawak languages  \nINTRODUCTION  \nThe goal of this contribution is to discuss some phonological and lexico-semantic developments in the Xingu subgroup of the Arawak language family. The arguments and data featured here bear directly on the historical development of the three extant languages forming this group – Waurá, Mehinak","cbCaigvctUOvMtJO","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaigvctUOvMtJO","pdf",1086168,18,"English","# INTRODUCTION\n## THE XINGU SUBGROUP OF THE ARAWAK LANGUAGE FAMILY","[{\"question\":\"What lexical innovation does the paper claim for “hand” in the Xinguan Arawak subgroup?\",\"answer\":\"It claims that *wɨʂɨku is a shared lexical innovation across this subgroup for the meaning “hand.”\"},{\"question\":\"How does the paper explain the formation of “finger” in these languages?\",\"answer\":\"It argues that “finger” is formed from a nominal compound using roots for “hand” and “head,” reconstructed as *kapɨ-tɨwɨ.\"},{\"question\":\"Which earlier reconstructions does the paper reassess, and why?\",\"answer\":\"It highlights shortcomings in some reconstructed forms and diachronic developments proposed by Payne (1991), including the proposed sound shift *a \\u003e ɨ in Waurá and the reconstruction of syllable-final *h in Proto-Arawak.\"}]","Obscure cognates and lexical reconstruction - notes on the diachrony of the Xinguan Arawak languages | PDF",1790645834,45]