[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"doc-detail-41092-en":3,"doc-seo-41092-105":30,"detail-sidebar-cat-0-en-105":91},{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":6},0,"success",{"doc_id":7,"user_id":8,"nickname":9,"user_avatar":10,"doc_module":4,"category_id":11,"category_name":12,"doc_title":13,"doc_description":14,"doc_content":15,"file_id":16,"file_url":17,"file_type":18,"file_size":19,"view_count":20,"is_deleted":4,"is_public":21,"is_downloadable":21,"audit_status":21,"page_count":22,"language":23,"language_code":24,"site_id":25,"html_lang":24,"table_of_contents":26,"faqs":27,"seo_title":13,"seo_description":14,"update_tm":28,"read_time":29},41092,13056703020460,"Valentina","https://ap-avatar.wpscdn.com/avatar/be000253dac470eee5d?_k=1778207105932848923",8,"Research & Report","Neoliberalism and Fascism","Fascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, and neofascist movements occur as fringe phenomena across modern societies, yet they must be distinguished from mainstream right-wing parties. The article identifies their sui generis features, including aggressive hypernationalist hatred of minority “enemies within,” irrational and evidence-resistant prejudice, campaigns for social hegemony, and acceptance of street violence combined with state power. It examines when these movements rise to center stage, their class basis, contemporary causes, and how they may evolve after attaining power.","Article  \nNeoliberalism and Fascism  \nPrabhat Patnaik 1  \nAgrarian South: Journal of Political Economy 9(1) 33–49, 2020  \n© 2020 Centre for Agrarian Research and Education for South (CARES)  \nReprints and permissions: [in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india](in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india)  \nDOI: 10. 1177/2277976019901029 [journals.sagepub.com/home/ags](journals.sagepub.com/home/ags)  \nAbstract  \nFascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, or neofascist movements exist in almost every modern society as fringe phenomena. These movements must be distinguished from the general right-wing parties and movements of different hues. The latter would no doubt appear to shade into the former; nonetheless the sui generis character of the former must be underscored. This article explores the characteristics specific to these movements and poses the following questions: under what conditions do these fringe movements come to occupy center stage? What is the class basis for their coming to power? How do we explain the rise of these movements in contemporary times? And how can we visualize, in the current conjuncture, the further journey of these movements in situations where they happen to have actually come to power?  \nKeywords  \nFascism, finance capital, neoliberalism, labor reserves, crisis  \nIntroduction  \nFascist, semi-fascist, protofascist, or neofascist movements exist in almost every modern society as fringe phenomena. These movements, though of course right-wing, anti-working people and anti-poor, in their  \n1 Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences-II, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.  \nCorresponding author:  \nPrabhat Patnaik, Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences-II, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, Delhi 110067, India.  \nE-mail: [prabhatptnk@yahoo.co.in](prabhatptnk@yahoo.co.in)  \nessence, must be distinguished from the general right-wing parties and movements of different hues. The latter would no doubt appear to shade into the former; nonetheless, the sui generis character of the former must be underscored.  \nThis consists in at least four properties that the former movements have: first, they invariably invoke acute hatred against some hapless minority groups, treating them as the ‘enemy within’ in a narrative of aggressive hypernationalism, and attribute all the existing social ills of the ‘nation’ to the presence of such groups; second, they are based not only on prejudice but also on complete unreason, in the sense that no amount of evidence can possibly shake off such prejudice; third, they set themselves up as movements, trying to acquire social hegemony, as distinct from mere secret societies or murderous gangs (though the latter may also be inspired by fascist ideology and may find room within these movements); and fourth, they are not averse to the use of street violence for achieving their political ends, and visualize, even in the event of having access to state power, a combination of street violence and the use of state power against the targeted minorities, and, of course, against all liberal, democratic, and progressive opinion that is opposed to them.  \nThese characteristics constituting their differentia specifica (specific difference) from general right-wing parties relate to fascist movements and not to fascistsin power (who have to develop additional characteristics for acquiring power, which we shall discuss shortly). While such movements may be fringe phenomena at most times, there are certain historical junctures at which they move center stage. The characteristics of such junctures have been much discussed in the past. But given the current upsurge of such movements worldwide, there is scope for areopening of this discussion.  \nThe purpose of the present article is to do so. In particular, the questions with which we shall be concerned here are: under what conditions do these fringe movements come to occupy center stag","cbCaioXGTtxyVPpF","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaioXGTtxyVPpF","pdf",622429,4,1,17,"English","en",105,"# Introduction\n## Characteristics of fascist movements\n# Conditions for the Rise of Fascism\n## Distinguishing fascist movements from states and gangs\n## Limits of class-crisis explanations","[{\"question\":\"How does the article distinguish fascist movements from general right-wing parties?\",\"answer\":\"It argues that, although both are right-wing and anti-working people, fascist movements have a sui generis character defined by specific properties such as hypernationalist hatred, irrational prejudice, pursuit of hegemony, and street violence.\"},{\"question\":\"What are the key characteristics of fascist, semi-fascist, or neofascist movements described in the article?\",\"answer\":\"The article lists four core traits: targeting minority groups as an “enemy within” under hypernationalism, acting on prejudice that cannot be shaken by evidence, forming movements aimed at social hegemony rather than only secret gangs, and using street violence with a vision of combining it with state power.\"},{\"question\":\"What questions does the article set out to answer about these fringe movements?\",\"answer\":\"It asks under what conditions they move from the fringe to occupy the center stage, what class basis supports their coming to power, how to explain their rise in contemporary times, and how to understand their further trajectory when they actually gain state 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does the article distinguish fascist movements from general right-wing parties?","Question",{"text":75,"@type":76},"It argues that, although both are right-wing and anti-working people, fascist movements have a sui generis character defined by specific properties such as hypernationalist hatred, irrational prejudice, pursuit of hegemony, and street violence.","Answer",{"name":78,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":79},"What are the key characteristics of fascist, semi-fascist, or neofascist movements described in the article?",{"text":80,"@type":76},"The article lists four core traits: targeting minority groups as an “enemy within” under hypernationalism, acting on prejudice that cannot be shaken by evidence, forming movements aimed at social hegemony rather than only secret gangs, and using street violence with a vision of combining it with state power.",{"name":82,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":83},"What questions does the article set out to answer about these fringe 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