[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"doc-detail-38763-en":3,"doc-seo-38763-105":29,"detail-sidebar-cat-0-en-105":90},{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":6},0,"success",{"doc_id":7,"user_id":8,"nickname":9,"user_avatar":10,"doc_module":4,"category_id":11,"category_name":12,"doc_title":13,"doc_description":14,"doc_content":15,"file_id":16,"file_url":17,"file_type":18,"file_size":19,"view_count":4,"is_deleted":4,"is_public":20,"is_downloadable":20,"audit_status":20,"page_count":21,"language":22,"language_code":23,"site_id":24,"html_lang":23,"table_of_contents":25,"faqs":26,"seo_title":13,"seo_description":14,"update_tm":27,"read_time":28},38763,687197207919,"Theodora","https://ap-avatar.wpscdn.com/avatar/a000253d6f5f7c60be?x-image-process=image/resize,m_fixed,w_180,h_180&k=1779446848396160552",8,"Research & Report","Living with China, A New Europe, and Russia: The Geostrategic Triad","A strategic, forward-looking framework for U.S. engagement in the post–Cold War era is developed through the idea that success in the early twenty-first century depends heavily on relationships with Eurasia. The analysis explains why U.S. policy has lacked a unified basis: fragmented debates, special-interest influence, short news-driven decision cycles, government stovepipes, and unproductive theorizing. It argues that a transcontinental strategy is required, organized around two “Eurasian power triangles.”","CONTENTS  \nFOREWORD  \n1 LIVING WITH CHINA  \n2 LIVING WITH A NEW EUROPE  \n3 LIVING WITH RUSSIA  \nNOTES  \nGEOPOLITICAL REALITIES  \nSTRATEGIC PRIORITIES  \nABOUT THE AUTHOR  \nFOREWORD  \nHOW SHOULD THE UNITED STATES DEFINE ITS INTERNATIONAL engagement with the rest of the world? More than a decade after the abrupt collapse of the Soviet Union, and more than a decade after the renunciation of authoritarian political systems and statist economic policies in key developing countries, a national consensus on how the United States as \"hyperpower\" should navigate in the world is as elusive as ever.  \nHow can we explain the irony that the United States, at the moment of uncontested geostrategic preponderance, has no comprehensive basis for engaging the rest ofthe world?  \nThere are a number of reasons. First, much of the public debate on American international engagement is cast in iconic terms that may satisfy embedded political interests but do little for positioning the United States to capitalize on a dynamic global environment. In the post-Cold War period, the critical issues have become increasingly complex. New challenges have been superimposed on traditional issues. A constellation of global forces is calling long-standing sovereign prerogatives and capabilities into question. All this defies bumpersticker articulation.  \nSecond, the absence of a broad consensus has provided a greater opportunity for special interest groups to impose their priorities on the policymaking process. The result is a centrifugal process that cuts into the capacity of leaders to formulate and carry out balanced and consistent policies.  \nThird, in the context of today's real-time news culture, political leaders are confronted with making complicated decisions based on a multitude of factors in ever shorter time frames. The \"CNN effect\" makes crises across the world immediately relevant to leaders who in the past would not have been affected by those developments. The pressure for instant policy declarations and formulation has grown tremendously. As a consequence, leaders have less time to think carefully about longer-range trends, confer with knowledgeable individuals, and contemplate approaches that are longer term and integrated in nature.  \nFourth, the organizational \"stovepipe\" phenomenon of specialized jurisdictions, competencies, and interests across the U.S. government (as well as other governments) is creating increasingly segmented analyses of developments across the world. It is also generating turf battles and gridlock, infighting and paralysis, and lack of constancy of purpose. The constraints created by these organizational rigidities certainly apply to the range of traditional national security and foreign policy issues confronting the United States. But they are most pronounced when it comes to crosscutting global issues such as globalization, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, HIV/AIDS and the cross-border movement of other infectious diseases, and other similar forces.  \nFifth and last, the debate in both academia and the public policy community on how to position the United States relative to the rest of the world has been no more productive. Despite Herculean attempts to identify paradigms for U.S. engagement within a broader strategic framework, no overarching theory has emerged, no comprehensive strategy has succeeded in attracting political consensus, and no approach has enabled the systematic prioritization of American interests and objectives.  \nTogether, these five elements have limited the capacity of leaders to think in \"strategic\" terms—to assess relations with key states in a comprehensive fashion, weigh both primary and derivative effects of proposed policies, cast relations in a long-term time frame, and develop nn integrated approach to how Washington can and should define its relations with the world. The challenge is clear: American leaders must weigh all dimensions of complex relationships, assign priorities","cbCainXgZoShriW8","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCainXgZoShriW8","pdf",871643,1,44,"English","en",105,"# Foreword\n# Living with China\n# Living with a New Europe\n# Living with Russia\n# Notes\n# Geopolitical Realities\n# Strategic Priorities","[{\"question\":\"Why does the U.S. struggle to define an effective international engagement strategy?\",\"answer\":\"The text links the problem to fragmented public debate, lack of broad consensus, pressure from rapid news cycles, government stovepipes that produce segmented analysis, and an absence of a comprehensive strategic framework.\"},{\"question\":\"What role does Eurasia play in the success of U.S. engagement after the Soviet collapse?\",\"answer\":\"Success in the early twenty-first century is presented as being conditioned largely by the United States’ relations with Eurasia, described as the central arena of world affairs.\"},{\"question\":\"Which countries and regions does the strategy focus on?\",\"answer\":\"The framework centers on relationships with China, Japan, Russia, and Europe, organizing engagement through “Eurasian power 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