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Competing Educational Goals During the COVID-19 Pandemic","","Integration Versus Meritocracy? Competing Educational Goals During the COVID-19 Pandemic analyzes qualitative case study evidence from New York City activists during COVID-19, focusing on how educational equity was conceptualized amid school safety concerns and intensified racial justice demands. Framed by Labaree’s typology of education’s competing purposes, it contrasts integration activists’ emphasis on democratic equality through integration with meritocratic activists’ preference for preserving stratified systems. 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[https://journals.sagepub.com/home/ero](https://journals.sagepub.com/home/ero)  \nIntegration Versus Meritocracy? Competing Educational Goals During  \nthe COVID-19 Pandemic  \nElise Castillo  \nTrinity College  \nMolly Vollman Makris  \nGuttman Community College, City University of New York  \nMira Debs  \nYale University  \nAlongside the immediate challenges of operating schools during the COVID-19 pandemic, over the past year, parents, students, and policymakers around the country have also debated equity and access to some of the country’s most elite and segregated public schools. This qualitative case study examines how New York City activists conceptualized educational equity during the pandemic. Conceptually framed by Labaree’s (1997) typology of the three competing purposes of education—democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility—we document different lessons learned from the pandemic by integration activists, who emphasized school integration for democratic equality; and meritocratic activists, who prioritized retaining the existing stratified system mainly to foster social mobility and social efficiency. Our findings highlight the challenge of sustaining a vision oriented around the public good amid powerful framings emphasizing the individual purposes of education.  \nKeywords: COVID-19, racial justice, desegregation, integration, New York City, parent involvement, youth organizing, meritocracy, tracking  \nOver a year into the COVID-19 pandemic, alongside immediate concerns over school safety, educational equity and racial desegregation debates have spread across the United States. Boston, San Francisco, and the Washington, D.C. suburbs have all taken steps to address segregation in elite public schools (Natanson, 2020; Tucker, 2021; Woolhouse, 2020). However, New York City (NYC), where stakeholders have debated school integration policy for the past decade, remains one of the most segregated districts in the nation (Castillo et al., 2021; Cohen, 2021; Kucsera & Orfield, 2014) .  \nSchool segregation in NYC stems from a residentially based elementary and middle school system combined with a highly stratified choice system, including the largest number of selective middle and high schools in the country (Cohen, 2021; Hu & Harris, 2018; Kucsera & Orfield, 2014) . Activist efforts over the past decade to remedy this inequality have resulted in pilot integration programs at select schools, expansion of these pilot programs to several of NYC’s 32 Community School Districts (CSDs), and an advisory committee that developed a citywide integration plan (Castillo et al., 2021; Veiga & Zimmer, 2019) .  \nThe arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic in New York in March 2020 could have halted this momentum, as educatorsand families focused on the shift online, technology needs, and configuring vital special education services, among others (Amin, 2020; Shapiro, 2020a). Yet amid these immediate needs, the COVID-19 pandemic, alongside calls for racial justice following the murder of George Floyd in May 2020—what many activists called the “dual pandemics”(Aguilera, 2020)—added urgency to the long-standing call from activists to revoke selective admissions and other school choice measures advantaging privileged families. However, the pandemic also motivated activists who supported maintaining the existing school selection process.  \nTo understand activists’ competing visions during the pandemic, we draw from Labaree’s (1997, 2018) conceptualization of the tensions between education’s public and private goals. We examine how debates during the pandemic were linked to broader battles over the purpose of schooling: whether public education should serve to maximize democratic equality, foster socia","cbCaiaJA1AkJOxrR","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaiaJA1AkJOxrR","pdf",480248,14,"English","# Introduction\n## Educational Equity Debates During COVID-19\n## School Segregation and Integration Activism in NYC\n## Competing Visions of Educational Purpose\n## Findings and Implications","[{\"question\":\"What is the core research question of the study?\",\"answer\":\"How do education activists in New York City conceptualize educational equity during the pandemic?\"},{\"question\":\"How does the article frame educational goals conceptually?\",\"answer\":\"It uses Labaree’s typology of three competing purposes of education: democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility.\"},{\"question\":\"How do integration activists and meritocratic activists differ in their approach?\",\"answer\":\"Integration activists emphasized school integration for democratic equality, while meritocratic activists prioritized retaining the stratified system to foster social mobility and social efficiency.\"}]","Integration Versus Meritocracy? Competing Educational Goals During the COVID-19 Pandemic | PDF",1792068815,35]