[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"doc-detail-43101-en":3,"doc-seo-43101-105":30,"detail-sidebar-cat-0-en-105":91},{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":6},0,"success",{"doc_id":7,"user_id":8,"nickname":9,"user_avatar":10,"doc_module":4,"category_id":11,"category_name":12,"doc_title":13,"doc_description":14,"doc_content":15,"file_id":16,"file_url":17,"file_type":18,"file_size":19,"view_count":20,"is_deleted":4,"is_public":21,"is_downloadable":21,"audit_status":21,"page_count":22,"language":23,"language_code":24,"site_id":25,"html_lang":24,"table_of_contents":26,"faqs":27,"seo_title":13,"seo_description":14,"update_tm":28,"read_time":29},43101,2336464648322,"Aria","https://ap-avatar.wpscdn.com/avatar/2200025388227c56fec?_k=1778556882303663488",8,"Research & Report","Indonesian Policies toward the Chinese Minority under the New Order","Analyzes Indonesian government policies toward the Chinese minority under the New Order, focusing especially on the Suharto era and linking policy choices to economic, educational, cultural, and nationality measures. The article describes the Chinese community’s internal cultural, legal, and political diversity, while arguing that indigenous leaders often treated it as a homogeneous group based on perceptions of economic control and loyalty to external powers. It reviews how these perceptions shaped restrictions following the 1965 coup, and evaluates policy consistency with the stated “assimilationist” principle.","# Indonesian Policies toward the Chinese Minority under the New Order\n\nAuthor(s):Leo Suryadinata  \nSource:Asian Survey,Vol.16,No.8(Aug.,1976),pp.770-787  \nPublished by:University of California Press  \nStable URL:https://www.jstor.org/stable/2643578  \nAccessed:23-10-201908:24 UTC  \nJSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars,researchers,and students discover,use,and build upon a widerange of content in a trusted digital archive.We use information technology and tools to increase productivity andfacilitate new forms of scholarship.For more information about JSTOR,please contact support@jstor.org.  \nYour use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms &Conditions of Use,available athttps://about.jstor.org/terms  \nUniversity of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extendaccess to Asian Survey  \n# INDONESIAN POLICIES TOWARD THECHINESE MINORITY UNDER THE NEWORDER\n\nLeo Suryadinata  \nTHE CHINESE IN Indonesia,numbering about 3.5 mil-lion,are a heterogeneous and complex community.Culturally theycan be divided into Indonesian-speaking peranakans and Chinese-speaking totoks;legally they can be classified as Indonesian citizensand aliens cutting across the above-mentioned cultural divisions;poli-tically they are split into pro-Jakarta,pro-Peking and pro-Taipeigroups and others who are not sure of their orientation.The majority,however,remain politically passive.Economically the Chinese areheavily engaged in trading activities and are influential in Indonesianeconomic life,but they are still far from controlling the Indonesianeconomy in the way that the Dutch did prior to 1957.  \nDespite the heterogeneous nature of the local Chinese communityin Indonesia,most indigenous Indonesian leaders,with the exceptionof those afiliated with the communists and minor left-wing parties,perceive the Chinese as a homogeneous group which controls the In-donesian economy,resists assimilation and is loyal to an outside power,especially the People's Republic of China(PRC).As to the economicpower of the Chinese,President Suharto has been quoted as sayingthat the Chinese,constituting less than 3%of the Indonesian popula-tion,dominate 70%of the Indonesian economy.1 There is evidencethat the indigenous Indonesian leaders’perceptions rather than theactual conditions of the Chinese influence Indonesian policies towardthis minority group.Understandably,Indonesian governments fromSukarno to Suharto have introduced policies aimed at curbing Chineseeconomic strength and assimilating them into the indigenous popula-tion.Nonetheless,these policies have often been modified to suit do-mestic political and economic realities at specific periods of time.Since  \nCHINESE MINORITY IN INDONESIA 771  \nIndonesian policies toward the Chinese minority during the Sukarnoera have been treated elsewhere,this article will deal primarily withthe Suharto government policies with reference to the economy,educa-tion,culture and nationality.It will also examine the consistency ofthese policies with the proclaimed “assimilationist”principle.2  \nEconomic Policy  \nThe economic role of the local Chinese has been a major concernof Indonesian governments,and thus Suharto's economic policies to-ward the Chinese deserve first attention.It is common knowledge thateconomic deterioration was a contributing factor to the fall of Sukarnoin 1965.With an inflation rate of 650%,Sukarno lost the support ofthe people,especially the middle and upper middle class Indonesians.It is not surprising that the new authorities,known as the New Order,attempted to improve the economic situation—at least to reduce therate of inflation—and to enhance the living standards of the Indonesi-ans,particularly those who lived in urban areas which were centers ofpotential political opposition.  \nNevertheless,immediately after the 1965 Coup,the overseas Chi-nese were held responsible for Peking's alleged role and this resultedin violence against the local Chinese.At first t","cbCaioVNIqT37l6R","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaioVNIqT37l6R","pdf",1607492,4,1,19,"English","en",105,"# Indonesian Policies Toward the Chinese Minority under the New Order\n## Background and Perceptions of the Chinese Community\n## Economic Policy","[{\"question\":\"What key internal divisions does the article describe within Indonesia’s Chinese community?\",\"answer\":\"It distinguishes cultural divisions between Indonesian-speaking peranakans and Chinese-speaking totoks, legal status between citizens and aliens, and political orientations such as pro-Jakarta, pro-Peking, pro-Taipei, and others. It also notes that many remain politically passive.\"},{\"question\":\"Why did violence and restrictions emerge against Chinese residents after 1965?\",\"answer\":\"After the 1965 coup, overseas Chinese were blamed for alleged links to Beijing’s role, which contributed to violence. The article then describes how enforcement increasingly focused on alien Chinese rather than all Chinese.\"},{\"question\":\"How does the article connect Suharto’s economic policy to foreign capital and Chinese business activities?\",\"answer\":\"It explains that Indonesia sought foreign capital due to a lack of domestic funding, leading to a foreign investment law in early 1967 offering incentives. The text contrasts how local Chinese capital was not treated as foreign investment, while Chinese capital outside Indonesia was treated as foreign capital, shaping access to investment channels.\"}]",1783377600,48,{"code":4,"msg":31,"data":32},"ok",{"site_id":25,"language":24,"slug":33,"title":13,"keywords":34,"description":14,"schema_data":35,"social_meta":86,"head_meta":88,"extra_data":90,"updated_unix":28},"indonesian-policies-toward-the-chinese-minority-under-the-new-order","",{"@graph":36,"@context":85},[37,53,68],{"@type":38,"itemListElement":39},"BreadcrumbList",[40,44,48,51],{"item":41,"name":42,"@type":43,"position":21},"https://docshare.wps.com","Home","ListItem",{"item":45,"name":46,"@type":43,"position":47},"https://docshare.wps.com/document/","Document",2,{"item":49,"name":12,"@type":43,"position":50},"https://docshare.wps.com/document/research-report/",3,{"item":52,"name":13,"@type":43,"position":20},"https://docshare.wps.com/document/indonesian-policies-toward-the-chinese-minority-under-the-new-order/43101/",{"url":52,"name":13,"@type":54,"author":55,"headline":13,"publisher":57,"fileFormat":60,"inLanguage":24,"description":14,"dateModified":61,"datePublished":62,"encodingFormat":60,"isAccessibleForFree":63,"interactionStatistic":64},"DigitalDocument",{"name":9,"@type":56},"Person",{"url":41,"name":58,"@type":59},"DocShare","Organization","application/pdf","2026-07-12","2026-07-06",true,{"@type":65,"interactionType":66,"userInteractionCount":20},"InteractionCounter",{"@type":67},"ViewAction",{"@type":69,"mainEntity":70},"FAQPage",[71,77,81],{"name":72,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":74},"What key internal divisions does the article describe within Indonesia’s Chinese community?","Question",{"text":75,"@type":76},"It distinguishes cultural divisions between Indonesian-speaking peranakans and Chinese-speaking totoks, legal status between citizens and aliens, and political orientations such as pro-Jakarta, pro-Peking, pro-Taipei, and others. It also notes that many remain politically passive.","Answer",{"name":78,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":79},"Why did violence and restrictions emerge against Chinese residents after 1965?",{"text":80,"@type":76},"After the 1965 coup, overseas Chinese were blamed for alleged links to Beijing’s role, which contributed to violence. The article then describes how enforcement increasingly focused on alien Chinese rather than all Chinese.",{"name":82,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":83},"How does the article connect Suharto’s economic policy to foreign capital and Chinese business activities?",{"text":84,"@type":76},"It explains that Indonesia sought foreign capital due to a lack of domestic funding, leading to a foreign investment law in early 1967 offering incentives. The text contrasts how local Chinese capital was not treated as foreign investment, while Chinese capital outside Indonesia was treated as foreign capital, shaping access to investment channels.","https://schema.org",{"og:url":52,"og:type":87,"og:title":13,"og:site_name":58,"og:description":14},"article",{"robots":89,"canonical":52},"index,follow",{"doc_id":7,"site_id":25},{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":92},[93,97,101,105,110,115,120,123,128,131,135],{"id":21,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":94,"show_sort_weight":95,"slug":96},"Story & Novel",90,"story-novel",{"id":47,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":98,"show_sort_weight":99,"slug":100},"Literature",80,"literature",{"id":20,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":102,"show_sort_weight":103,"slug":104},"Exam",70,"exam",{"id":106,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":107,"show_sort_weight":108,"slug":109},5,"Comic",60,"comic",{"id":111,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":112,"show_sort_weight":113,"slug":114},6,"Technology",50,"technology",{"id":116,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":117,"show_sort_weight":118,"slug":119},7,"Healthcare",40,"healthcare",{"id":11,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":12,"show_sort_weight":121,"slug":122},30,"research-report",{"id":124,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":125,"show_sort_weight":126,"slug":127},9,"Religion & Spirituality",20,"religion-spirituality",{"id":126,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":129,"show_sort_weight":126,"slug":130},"World Cup","world-cup",{"id":132,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":133,"show_sort_weight":132,"slug":134},10,"Lifestyle","lifestyle",{"id":22,"doc_module":4,"doc_module_name":46,"category_name":136,"show_sort_weight":106,"slug":137},"General","general"]