[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"doc-detail-227533-en":3,"doc-seo-227533-105":29,"detail-sidebar-cat-0-en-105":91},{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":6},0,"success",{"doc_id":7,"user_id":8,"nickname":9,"user_avatar":10,"doc_module":4,"category_id":11,"category_name":12,"doc_title":13,"doc_description":14,"doc_content":15,"file_id":16,"file_url":17,"file_type":18,"file_size":19,"view_count":20,"is_deleted":4,"is_public":20,"is_downloadable":20,"audit_status":20,"page_count":11,"language":21,"language_code":22,"site_id":23,"html_lang":22,"table_of_contents":24,"faqs":25,"seo_title":26,"seo_description":14,"update_tm":27,"read_time":28},227533,549768072016,"WPS_1786070896","https://ap-avatar.wpscdn.com/davatar_155a257f0dc6eb9ab79c44ca47cae57d",8,"Research & Report","Implications of Revision of Law No. 19 of 2019 Concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission","The paper examines constitutional and juridical consequences following the issuance of Law No. 19 of 2019 regarding Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). It argues that the KPK’s institutional format shifted into the executive family, creating ambivalence: the body is no longer fully independent in constitutional terms. Using descriptive qualitative research, it highlights how investigators face constraints on wiretapping, searches, and confiscation without prior supervisory permission. The resulting limited operational space may invite executive interventions, affecting anti-corruption efforts.","International Journal of Social Science Research and Review  \n[http://ijssrr.com](http://ijssrr.com)[ ](http://ijssrr.com)[editor@ijssrr.com](editor@ijssrr.com)[ ](editor@ijssrr.com)Volume 5, Issue 10 October, 2022 Pages: 232-239  \nImplications of Revision of Law No. 19 of 2019 Concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission for Handling Corruption  \nLabib Muttaqin; Awhan Ibaad El Adzkiyaa  \nFaculty of Law, Muhammadiyah University of Surakarta, Indonesia  \nEmail: [lm812@ums.ac.id](lm812@ums.ac.id), [adzkiyaa.awhan@gmail.com](adzkiyaa.awhan@gmail.com)  \n[http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i10.589](http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i10.589)  \nAbstract  \nA constitutional system is an independent state institution that does not belong to any power family (executive, legislative and judicial) . However, after the issuance of Law No. 19 of 2019, the institutional format of the KPK changed to become part of the executive family. The author uses a descriptive type of research, which aims for researchers to explain about a legal event or legal situation. By using qualitative analysis methods. In this study, the authors analyze more related to the Revision of the KPK law that has affected the authority of the KPK KPK investigators can no longer conduct wiretapping, search and confiscation without prior permission from the KPK Supervisory Board. This is what makes the position of the KPK ambivalent in the constitutional system, on the one hand the KPK is part of the executive family on the other hand the KPK is independent. The shift in the position of the KPK to become part of the executive clump has implications for the limited space for the KPK in efforts to eradicate corruption, which has the potential to receive various interventions, especially from the executive realm.  \nKeywords: Legal Independence; KPK; Executive  \nIntroduction  \nIt's been 23 years since the reformation era has been running, but have the demands for reform regarding \"Tumpas Corruption\" been implemented? Refuse to forget, Indonesia is a country rich in natural resources and abundant in terms of tax and non-tax revenues. Unfortunately, the timeless tie mice still colonize during the pandemic. An achievement of the tie rats so that the score on the corruption perception index in Indonesia by Transparency International is only 37 out of 100, which means a country is getting more corrupt as the score gets smaller. The tug-of-war discourse on the revision of the KPK Law since 2010 met a bright spot in 2019, precisely in September 2019 the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) ratified the revision of Law Number 30 of 2002 concerning the KPK.  \nThe revision of the KPK Law has generated a lot of controversy, especially among students and anti-corruption activists as well as the public who consider the ratification of the revision of the KPK Law  \nto be inappropriate. In fighting for the KPK institution to keep its function on the path of the Constitutional Court (MK) there were 7 lawsuits that were filed but only a few were granted by the Court along with the issue of the dismissal of 75 KPK employees who did not pass the National Insight Test (TWK) with various indications. The state that should have provided the fulfillment of the necessities of life during the pandemic has actually been deprived of people's rights. This is in stark contrast to the mandate of the Health Quarantine Act. For example, the corruption case that ensnared the former Minister of Social Affairs, Juliari Batubara, was worth 32 billion rupiah. This is a fantastic number considering that the money can be used to provide assistance to 32,000 workers affected by layoffs. This is not justified considering the condition of the people in Indonesia is still far from prosperous in terms of the economy which has fallen drastically due to the pandemic for more than a year.  \nMethod  \nThis study uses a qualitative research type with a descriptive approach. The data used in this","cbCaifwFPks0gJPT","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaifwFPks0gJPT","pdf",1114677,1,"English","en",105,"# Introduction\n# Method\n# Discussion Results\n## Juridical Implications of the KPK Law Number 19 of 2019","[{\"question\":\"What constitutional shift does Law No. 19 of 2019 bring to the KPK?\",\"answer\":\"The KPK’s institutional format changes to become part of the executive family, creating a tension between executive affiliation and constitutional independence.\"},{\"question\":\"How does the revision affect KPK investigators’ authority?\",\"answer\":\"Investigators can no longer conduct wiretapping, search, and confiscation without prior permission from the KPK Supervisory Board.\"},{\"question\":\"Which legal issues are discussed regarding the Supervisory Board under the revised law?\",\"answer\":\"The study points to provisions assigning the Supervisory Board authority over permits related to wiretapping, searches, and confiscation, and notes that the Constitutional Court canceled the validity of specific articles through Decision No. 70/PUU-XVII/2019.\"}]","Implications of Revision of Law No. 19 of 2019 Concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission | 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constitutional shift does Law No. 19 of 2019 bring to the KPK?","Question",{"text":75,"@type":76},"The KPK’s institutional format changes to become part of the executive family, creating a tension between executive affiliation and constitutional independence.","Answer",{"name":78,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":79},"How does the revision affect KPK investigators’ authority?",{"text":80,"@type":76},"Investigators can no longer conduct wiretapping, search, and confiscation without prior permission from the KPK Supervisory Board.",{"name":82,"@type":73,"acceptedAnswer":83},"Which legal issues are discussed regarding the Supervisory Board under the revised law?",{"text":84,"@type":76},"The study points to provisions assigning the Supervisory Board authority over permits related to wiretapping, searches, and confiscation, and notes that the Constitutional Court canceled the validity of specific articles through Decision No. 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