[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"doc-detail-160491-en":3,"doc-seo-160491-105":31,"detail-sidebar-cat-0-en-105":92},{"code":4,"msg":5,"data":6},0,"success",{"doc_id":7,"user_id":8,"nickname":9,"user_avatar":10,"doc_module":4,"category_id":11,"category_name":12,"doc_title":13,"doc_description":14,"doc_content":15,"file_id":16,"file_url":17,"file_type":18,"file_size":19,"view_count":20,"is_deleted":4,"is_public":21,"is_downloadable":21,"audit_status":21,"page_count":22,"language":23,"language_code":24,"site_id":25,"html_lang":24,"table_of_contents":26,"faqs":27,"seo_title":28,"seo_description":14,"update_tm":29,"read_time":30},160491,1099514067438,"River Wang","https://ap-avatar.wpscdn.com/avatar/100002539ee87300030?x-image-process=image/resize,m_fixed,w_180,h_180&k=1780474512215547542",8,"Research & Report","A SYSTEMIC ANALYSIS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN AMERICAN LAW SCHOOLS - Introduction","Systemic analysis examines how racial preferences operate within American law school admissions and evaluates their costs and benefits across the educational pipeline. The introduction frames affirmative action as a long-running social experiment and highlights the debate’s core questions: whether preferences truly accelerate integration, how they affect educational choices and learning, and how they influence subsequent job opportunities. It argues that comprehensive evidence has been limited, motivating a focused study of admissions, academic performance, bar passage, and outcomes after JD.","A SYSTEMIC ANALYSIS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN AMERICAN LAW SCHOOLS  \nRichard H. Sander*  \nINTRODUCTION...................................................................................................... 368  \nI. A NOTE ON ORIGINS .......................................................................................... 374  \nII. DEFINING THE ROLE OF RACE IN LAW SCHOOL ADMISSIONS ........................... 390  \nIII. THE CASCADE EFFECT OF RACIAL PREFERENCES ........................................... 410  \nIV. AN ASIDE ON THE VALUE OF ACADEMIC INDICES........................................... 418  \nV. EFFECTS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION ON ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE IN LAW SCHOOL................................................................................................................. 425  \nVI. EFFECTS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION ON PASSING THE BAR .............................. 442  \nVII. THE JOB MARKET .......................................................................................... 454  \nVIII. THE EFFECTS OF DROPPING OR MODIFYING RACIAL PREFERENCES............. 468  \nCONCLUSION......................................................................................................... 478  \n* Professor of Law, UCLA; Ph.D., Economics, Northwestern University. I owe special thanks to two people who have effectively been collaborators on this project. Patrick Anderson has been my research associate throughout the conceiving and writing of this Article, worked full-time on this project for several months, and will be my coauthor of a forthcoming book on affirmative action. Dr. Robert Sockloskie managed the databases and collaborated on the statistical analyses presented herein. I have received exceptional support from the UCLA School of Law and its Dean’s Fund. The Empirical Research Group and its associate director, Joe Doherty, have provided ongoing research support and outstanding technical assistance. The “After the JD” study, which I have helped steer for the past five years and on which I draw in Part VII, received support from the American Bar Foundation, the National Association of Law Placement, the National Science Foundation, the Soros Fund, the Law School Admission Council (LSAC), and the National Conference of Bar Examiners. The LSAC also supported earlier empirical research of mine that I draw upon in this Article. I received very helpful, detailed comments on early drafts from Alison Anderson, Bernard Black, Evan Caminker, David Chambers, Roger Clegg, William Henderson, Richard Kahlenberg, Lewis Kornhauser, James Lindgren, Robert Nelson, James Sterba, Stephan Thernstrom, Jon Varat, Eugene Volokh, David Wilkins, and Doug Williams. I also benefited from comments at symposia at the UCLA School of Law, the Rand Institute for Civil Justice, and the 2004 annual meeting of the Law & Society Association, where I presented earlier versions of this Article. Editors and staff at the Stanford Law Review provided exceptional substantive feedback and editorial support. My wife, Fiona Harrison, provided indispensable intellectual and emotional sustenance throughout this effort, and fundamentally reshaped the Introduction and Part II. I, alas, retain full responsibility for any errors that remain. My deep thanks to all who helped make this work possible.  \n368 STANFORD LAW REVIEW [Vol. 57:367  \nINTRODUCTION  \nFor the past thirty-five years, American higher education has been engaged in a massive social experiment: to determine whether the use of racial preferences in college and graduate school admissions could speed the process of fully integrating American society. Since Bakke, 1 universities have often tended to justify affirmative action for its contributions to diverse classrooms and campuses. But the overriding justification for affirmative action has always been its impact on minorities. Few of us would enthusiastically support preferential admission policies if we did not believe they played a powerful, irreplaceable role in ","cbCaiiftynHkTB2P","https://ap.wps.com/l/cbCaiiftynHkTB2P","pdf",1233014,2,1,117,"English","en",105,"# Introduction\n## A Note on Origins\n## Defining the Role of Race in Law School Admissions\n## The Cascade Effect of Racial Preferences\n## An Aside on the Value of Academic Indices\n## Effects of Affirmative Action on Academic Performance in Law School\n## Effects of Affirmative Action on Passing the Bar\n## The Job Market\n## The Effects of Dropping or Modifying Racial Preferences\n## Conclusion","[{\"question\":\"What central questions does the article’s introduction say affirmative action debates should address?\",\"answer\":\"It emphasizes questions about what happens to minorities if preferences did not exist, how preferences shape school choice and learning, and how they affect job prospects and opportunities after graduation.\"},{\"question\":\"Why does the introduction argue past efforts have been insufficient?\",\"answer\":\"It notes there has been no comprehensive assessment of the relative costs and benefits of racial preferences across higher education, with only partial evidence from studies focused on elite universities.\"},{\"question\":\"What is the purpose of the article according to the introduction?\",\"answer\":\"The article aims to pursue these questions within legal education, analyzing how racial preferences play out across law school admissions and subsequent outcomes.\"}]","A SYSTEMIC ANALYSIS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN AMERICAN LAW SCHOOLS - 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